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胡晨璇: Japan's Abe says after meeting with Trump that he is confident of building trust NEW YORK - Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said on Thursday he was confident of building trust with Donald Trump following a meeting in which he sought clarity on campaign rhetoric from the US president-elect that cast doubt on long-standing US alliances. After the hastily arranged 90-minute meeting at Trump Tower in Manhattan, Abe called Trump a trustworthy leader, although he said he would not disclose details of the conversation because the talks were unofficial. The Republican president-elect will succeed Democratic President Barack Obama on Jan. 20. "The talks made me feel sure that we can build a relationship of trust," Abe told reporters. Describing his conversation as "candid" and held in a "warm atmosphere," Abe said: "Alliances cannot function without trust. I am now confident that President-elect Trump is a trustworthy leader." He said he had agreed to meet again with Trump "at a convenient time to cover a wider area in greater depth." It was not clear if such a meeting would occur before Trump's inauguration. Japanese Finance Minister Taro Aso told reporters on Friday in Tokyo that it was beneficial for Abe to meet Trump before he becomes president, given that Japan-US relations were vital to both countries. The conversation came as Japan's leadership was nervous about the future strength of an alliance that is core to Tokyo's diplomacy and security. Abe and other Asian leaders were alarmed at Trump's pledge during his election campaign to make allies pay more for help from US forces, his suggestion that Japan should acquire its own nuclear weapons and his staunch opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal. 鲍俞哲: Trump's America Almost everyone thought he would lose. Clinton did. Her vaunted political operatives did. The pollsters did. The #NeverTrump Republicans did. For all his bluster and bold predictions of victory, Trump himself had been worrying all day. He kept pressing aides for information, but they were worried, too. Even his internal models showed him falling short of the 270 electoral votes needed to win. But as the night went on, strange and unexpected numbers flashed across the television screens of America. Early returns put Trump ahead by 3 points in Florida, 10 in Ohio and North Carolina. Virginia was not supposed to be competitive, but Trump had an early lead there, too. There were two Americas in 2016. One had been advancing for a long time. One had been retreating. And on November 8, Trump and his army of Jersey Dave Calabros found a way to reverse the trend. Clinton's America was a coalition of these historically disadvantaged groups, along with their white male allies. Year by year, it seemed to align more closely with large corporations and the global elite. It was urban, ascendant, seemingly unstoppable. Its inhabitants saw the last hundred years as a good start, an unfinished march of societal progress. Yes, the nation had same-sex marriage, an African-American president and a number of female chief executives, but this America still felt itself chafing against systemic inequality. Did racism, sexism and homophobia still exist? Of course they did. Clinton's America wanted them eradicated. Trump's America drew in some women and minorities. But much of its energy came from white male grievance. Factories had been closing for decades. Many manufacturing jobs had moved overseas or given way to automation. As wages stagnated, more and more blue-collar men felt themselves working hard and going nowhere. They felt abandoned by the new information economy, swindled by Washington politicians, stifled by the new cultural orthodoxy. Certain men of Trump's America were thrilled when he said, "Frankly, if Hillary Clinton were a man, I don't think she'd get 5 percent of the vote." These men were tired of being blamed for the sins of their fathers, sick of hearing the phrase white guy thrown around like an insult. Wasn't that racism, too? Couldn't there be sexism against men? They felt as if the people of Clinton's America had overtaken them somehow, probably by cheating. 林楚楚: Cautious approach to Trump presidency urged Donald Trump's presidential victory has created more uncertainty over future international affairs, but a sea change is unlikely in the China-US relationship in the next four years, experts on China-US relations say. Based on the president-elect's campaign commitments and possible major appointments under his watch, his priority would be to unite both parties to make way for policymaking, said Zhou Wenzhong, a former Chinese ambassador to the US. Speaking at a Beijing seminar, co-hosted by the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies and the University of Macau on Saturday, Zhou said that gives China time. "That serves as an opportunity for China to assess Trump's Asia-Pacific policy and make contacts with his administration despite all the uncertainties surrounding his presidency," he said. "But his governing the world's largest economy could also bring about promising changes to the China-US relations, which will remain important as ever." Trump's experience as a property mogul means that he would do what is in the best interests of his country, rather than sustain a fruitless regional presence, said Yang Jiemian, president emeritus of the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies. Yang's comment was echoed by Hao Yufan, a professor with the University of Macau, who believed a Nixon-styled "diplomatic contraction" would be Trump's primary choice. "Unlike traditional US politicians, he is less motivated to seek re-election when his term is done, hence he will be pragmatic in making foreign policies," said Hao. On the military front, Trump would refrain from implementing the "re-balancing to Asia-Pacific" strategy championed by his predecessor Barack Obama, but is likely to adopt some of its tactics, said Yao Yunzhu, a senior researcher at the PLA Academy of Military Sciences. It should be noted that his "America First" credo, which signals the death of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and more haggling over Washington's responsibility to protect its allies, does not mean a full retreat from global affairs, said Hu Weixing, a professor at the University of Hong Kong. "The US Asia-Pacific military deployment will remain, so would its 'protection of the navigation freedom' in international waters," Hu added. "The Trump administration may stop containing China in the Asia-Pacific area in exchange for Beijing's coordination in major regional affairs. But closing such a deal is not easy and depends on how the two leaders engage with each other." Leadership diplomacy is worth a try, but frictions are almost inevitable when it comes to steel trade and other issues because Trump's presidency indicates the end of an era of "strong market and weak governments", said Da Wei, director of the Institute of American Studies, at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations.
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